English
’ 55 * If ^gh, ^dh, 3 T v bh, or ^ h are at the end of a (radical) syllable beginning with ^J x g, d, ^b, and lose their aspiration as final or otherwise, the initial consonants are aspirated by way of compensation 1 ;—e. g. dub, ‘ a milker,’ becomes dhuk; budh, ‘ wise,’ becomes bbut. 1 This is an historical survival of the original initial aspiration of such roots, which was lost (both in Greek and Sanskrit) by the operation of the later euphonic law that prohibited a syllable beginning and ending with an aspirate. Hence when the final aspirate disappeared the initial returned. Cp. Gk. nom. 6 pi( (t= 0 p'iK- s), ‘hair,’ beside gen. rpix~ 6 t. II 59 INTERNAL SANDHI 25 B. Internal Sandlii. 56. The rules of internal Sandhi apply to the finals of nominal and verbal stems before all terminations of declension (except those beginning with consonants of the middle stem: 73 a) and conjugation, before primary suffixes (182, i),and before secondary suffixes (182, 2) beginning with a vowel or J{jy. They are best acquired by learning paradigms of nouns and verbs first. Many of these rules agree with those of external Sandhi ; the most important of those which differ from external Sandhi are here added. Pinal Vowels. • 57 * In many cases before a vowel (and even the same vowel) * 1 and t 1 are changed to ^iy; <3 u and u to ^ uv ; ^ r to (cp. 18 and 20);—e.g. dhi + f;i = fafa dhiy-i, loc. sing., in thought’; ^ i = bhuv-i, * on earth yn-yu +1^=333: y U -yuv-ub, ‘they have joined’; + gf+ati=^ncf^r gir-ati, * he swallows.* * 58 . Final ^ f before consonant terminations is changed to ^ ir, after labials to Qr; while ^ r (after a single con- ^ Yl -" v*o— e *ft- V gf passive Pres. 3. sing. gfr-yate, ‘ is swallowed *; glr-nab, past part., ‘ swallowed *; | pr, pass. pres. ^ pur-yate, 'is ^ 6 V Pa8t part -' pur-nah, ‘filled*; W k r , pass. pres. HlWf kri-yate, * is done.* 59 . e, ^ ai, # o, ^ au are changed before suffixes 3","® with vowels ° r to TTC^ay, ^gy, *pav. ^irrespectively (ai; 22);-e.g. = nay-ana, y : T + V=TT^ ray-e, 'for wealth’; aft + H = Sfa gav-e, JJ‘r* >*wfc ‘ships’; 8 v yah, relating to cows.* 26 INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI II 60 Final Consonants. 6 0. The most notable divergence from external Sandhi is the unchangeableness of the final consonants (cp. 32) of verbal and nominal stems before terminations beginning with vowels, semi¬ vowels, and nasals 1 (while before other letters they usually follow the rules of external Sandhi) ;—e.g. TTT^P prafic-ah, ‘eastern’; vac-ani, ‘ let me speak,’ vac-ya, ‘ to be spoken,* ^ vac-mi, ‘ I speak *; but vak-ti, ‘ he speaks.’ 6 1. Nominal or verbal stems ending in consonants, and followed by terminations consisting of a single consonant, drop the ter¬ mination altogether, two consonants not being tolerated at the end of a word (28). The final consonant which remains i9 then treated according to the rules of external Sandhi. Thus ITPSM- ^prafic+s, nom. sing., ‘eastern,’ becomes prafi (the ^s being first dropped, the palatals being changed to gutturals by 27, and the k being then dropped by 28); similarly a-doh +1 = XTOY^j a-dhok (55), 3. sing, imperf., ‘he milked.’ 62 . Aspirates followed by any letters except vowels, semi¬ vowels or nasals (60) lose their aspiration;—e.g. rundh-f dhve=^% rimd-dhve 2 * ,‘you obstruct’; syerz^T^© lap-sye, ‘ I shall take ’; but yudh-i, in battle, lobh-yah, 4 to be desired/ 1 3 * d is assimilated before the primary suffix -na; e-g. in V ftn-nft, ‘ food ’ (for ad-na) ; and t, ^ d before the secondary suffixes ^Tc^mat and TRI maya;—e.g. vidyup-mat, ‘accompanied by lightning’ (vidyut), and ^*|| mrn-maya, * consisting of clay’ (mrd). # . 2 For Sanskrit tolerates two aspirates neither at the beginning and end of the same syllable, nor at the end of one and the beginning of the next. INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI 2 ? II 63 a. A lost soft aspirate is, if possible, thrown back before V^dhv (not fa dhi),^bh, ^s, according to 55;—e.g. ^Jlp^a-bhud- dhvam, ‘ yon observed,’ jfa: bhud-bhih, inst. plm* ifSJ bhnt- su, lot*, plur., but dug-dhi. 2. sing, iniper., ‘milk.* b. But it is thrown forward on a following t and ^tli \ which are softened ;-e.g.^H+<T: lal>h+tah=^3fci: lab-dhal,,‘ taken’; nmdh + thah = ^; rund-dhah, 'you two obslmct’! ^+ 3 ^ baudIi +tnm=^^band-dl l iiin, ‘to bind.’ 63 . Palatals, a. While ^c regularly becomes guttural before consonants (cp. 61: 27 : 6, x.i), * j in some cases (the majority) becomes guttural k. *^g) 2 , in others cerebral ^ d, ^s);_ e.g. ^ uk-ta, spoke n * (from ^ vac); gfli ynk-ta, ‘joined ’ (from gW^yuj); rug-na, ‘broken* (from ruj ; cp. 65); butrat, nom. sing, ‘king’ (forTTO+^nlj +s); Jrfjmrd- dhi,2,sing.imper.‘wipe’ (from ^mrj): ^ ras-tra, ‘kingdom ’ (from <J^raj ; cp. 64). b. before ^(dh, the middle terminations (730) and the nom. ^s, ns,tally becomes ^ t or * d (sometimes ^ k or ^ g) ; before VJK it always becomes * s (cp. 64), and before\he W s of the future and of other conjugational forms, always ^ k •—e g from f^ voUege t vi^u. 'in the settlers'; vm-m' entered’; vek-syami (cp. 67), ‘I shall enter.’ C * and (notes') palatalize a following ^n ; ~e. g . WT yac-f na=*n^T yac-fla, ‘ requestOT+lfyaj+na= ^ ynj-fla, ‘sacrifice’; but IT* pras-aa, ‘question.’ 1 Except in the case of the root dha, ‘place,’ which has (according S?CS ’ ^ *“ c. ‘ ^ 1 reg " ,arly beC ° meS * k • ®igatiomd * , (op . 28 INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI II 64 d. The ^ ch of the root pinch, ‘ask,’ is treated like : pr?-ta, ‘asked,’ prak-syanii, ‘I shall ask,’ 1T^ pras- na, question.’ (I11 external Sandhi, i.e. when final, and before middle terminations, it becomes Z t.) 64. Cerebrals change following dentals to cerebrals (cp. 39);— e-g-TV* is + ta = f^ is -ta, ‘wished’; dvis-fdhi= dvid-dlii, bate ; sat + nam = san-nam (cp. 33 ). * of six.’ a. M hile the cerebral sibilant ^s regularly becomes a cerebral (2t or ^ d) in declension (cp. 80), and before V^dh in conjuga¬ tion, it regularly becomes k before an ^s in conjugation (cp. 63& and 67); dvek-si, ‘thou hatest,’ from flfB^dvis. 65. Change of dental (n to cerebral T!t “: A preceding cerebral r, ^ r, ^ s (even though a vowel, a guttural, a labial, ^y. V. ? ib or Anusvara intervene) changes a dental ^u (followed by a vowel or ^n, ^ m, ^y, v) to cerebral Ut n ;—e.g. J+H1*V= nf-nam, ‘of men’; kar-nah, ‘ ear ’; ^“XTUT^dus-anam, ‘ abuse ’ (a vowel intervenes); bjrph-anam,‘nourishing’ (Anusvara,^ h, vowel); arkena, ‘by the sun* (guttural and vowel); ksip-nufi, ‘ throwing ’ (vowel and labial); H^JTT premna, ‘ by love ’ (diphthong and labial); .* bmhman-yah,‘kind to Brahmins’(vowel, ^ h, labial, vowel; *^n followed by ^y); ni^an-nal^,‘seated ’ (^n followed by *^n, which is itself assimilated to Tit 1 ?) I prSyena, ‘generally’ (vowel, v. vowel). But ^Hfar^arc-anam, ‘ worship* (palatal intervenes); arnavena, ‘by the ocean’ (cerebral intervenes); ardhena, ‘ by half’ (dental intervenes); kurvanti, they do’ (^u is followed by t) ; raman, acc. pi., ‘ the Bamas ’ (•l. n is final). II 66 INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI 29 Note .—The number of intervening letters, it will be seen from the above examples, is not limited. In the word ramayana, for instance, five letters (three vowels, a labial, and a semivowel) intervene between the ^ r and the T^n. Table showing when u changes to n. in spite of intervening vowels, change if followed by gutturals (including h), vowels, labials (including "^v). to 5 ^n, <^m, \y, aud Anusvara, V- lian- 66. A. The dental ^n— 1. remains unchanged before and ^ v ;_e.g. yate, * is killed’; cft^^tan-v-an, ‘stretching.* 2. affinal of a root becomes Anusvara before ^ s;—e.g. ji-ghaip-sa-ti, ‘he wishes to kill’ han) • mam-sya-te. ‘he will think J (Jiff mnn^ • nlcm .'i is inserted before or ^s in the neuter plural (71c; 83) yasams-i, nom. pL of yasas, ‘fame’; WfN havlips-i, neut. pi. of ^f^havis, ‘oblation’ (83). B. The dental ^ s— 1. becomes dental <^t as the final of roots or nominal stems a. before the ^s of the verbal suffixes (future, aorist, desidera- hve ) IP the two root8 ^ vas, ‘ dwell,’ and ^ghas, ‘eat * ; Wm vat-syati, ‘will dwell’ (151 & 3); W^^a-vat- s.t, has dwelt ’ (i 44 , ,) ; ji-ghat-sati, ‘ wishes to ( 171 , 5 ). b. before the endings with initial J^bh or (and in the nom. 3 ° INTERNAL CONSONANT SANDHI II 67 acc.sing. neut.) of reduplicated perfect stems (89): qaqQf: caki-vad-bhil?, cakr-vat-su, N. A. n. qqfq^cakr- vat. 2. disappears — a. between mutes;—e.g. ^*1 ?fi a-bhak-ta (for a-bhak-s-ta), 3. sing, s-aoiist of H^bhaj, ‘share’; eas-te (for cak- s-te = original cas-s-te), 3. sing. pres, of qqj^caks, ‘ speak.’ This loss also occurs when the preposition ml is com¬ pounded with the roots stha, stand,’ and stambh, support ;—e.g.^WRJ ut-thiiya, ‘ standing up ’; ^rTfWT ut-tambhita, * raised up.’ b. before soft dentals ;—e. g. mfv sii-dhi (for sas-dhi), 2. sing. imperat. of IfR^sas, * order ’; also after becoming and cerebralizing the following dental;—e.g. a-sto- dhvam (for a-sto-s-dhvam), 2. pi. aor. of qj stu, ‘ praise.’ 67. Change of dental to cerebral q s: Preceding vowels except qf a or ‘qR a (even though Anusviira or Visarga intervene), as well as qi k and ^ r, change dental 44 . s (followed by a vowel, 7 ^ t, q^th, ^ u, ^ m, q^v, q^v) to cerebral q^s ;—e. g. from *rfq*: sarpis : sarpis-ii, ‘ with clarified butter ^Tfffq sarplipsi, uom. pi.; 41 sarpifisu, loc. pi. (cp. 43, 3); from qT^ vac: qT^ vak-su, loc. pi., ‘in speeches’; from firs 6> r: ^ glr-su (82), loc.pl.