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‘This is the Bodhi-tree ; the syrup is prepared from the fruit of the Bodhi- tree,’ 5. Udumbarap4na. ‘Its fruit is like Li (Prunus communis,“ Huds. ; a plum).’ (Phonetically it can also stand for Ut- pala, ‘lHy;’ we,have in Pali Salftka, , ‘water-lily,’ but I-tsing says the ‘fruit,’ not the ‘root.’) * 6. Partisakapana. ‘Its fruit is like Ying-yii (Vitis labrusca, L., a kind of wild grape-vine).’ gy. MridhvikApana. ‘This is the syrup prepared from the grapes.’ 8. Khargfrapana, “It is like a small date in its shape. It tastes bitter but somewhat sweet. It comes mostly from Persia, but, grows also in the Madhyadesa (India), but that which grows in India tastes somewhat differently, The tree grows wild (independently), and resembles 221 The Pali in Mahavagga, bk. vi, 35, 6. 4. Mofapana. Mofa-p4nan ti anafthikehi kadali- phalehi kata-panazs (Buddhaghosa). This is also the plantain-tree, but there seems to be some difference between Moa and Koéa with regard to seed (Aéthika). (1). Ambapana (mango). I, 2, 5, 7 of the Pali have no corre- sponding names in I-tsing’s list. (2). Gambupana (rose-apple). (5). Madhupdna (honey). 8. Pharusakapana. This is the Grewia Asiatica of Linnaeus. See Béhtlingk-Roth, s. v. Partsaka (Oldenberg and Rhys Davids). 6. Muddikaépana, The grape-juice. (7). Salfikapana (root of the water-lily), ra 222 ADDITIONAL NOTES, I-tsing’s explanation given in the Ekasata- karman, bk. vi. Tsung-li (Trachycarpus excelsa, Thbg., a species of palm). It bears fruit abundantly. When it was - brought to P‘an-yii (Kwang-tung) people called it “ Persian date” (com; pare 11,623 Giles). It tastes much like a dried persimmon (Diospyros kaki, L. F., or date plum, often called “ China fig”’).’ (Khargtira is the wild date-palm tree, Phoenix sylvestris.) I-tsing further explains the five fruits allowed by the Buddha in the Ekasata~ karman (Nanjio’s Catal., No, 1131), bk. v, p. 69, of the Japanese edition :— The Pali in Mahdvagga, bk. vi, 35, 6. (1) Haritaka. (4) Mariza. (2) Vibhitaka. (5) Pippali (not Pippala, as in Mahavagga | (3) Amalaka. VI, 6, 1). ; These five agree perfectly with those given in Mahavagga VI, 6, I. P. 127, n.1. The eight sections of Medicine which I-tsing describes are no doubt the eight divisions of the Ayur-veda. He mentions arf epitomiser of these divisions, who seems to have been a famous physician and contemporary of I-tsing (or just before I-tsing). This epitomiser may be Susruta, who calls himself a disciple of Dhanvantari, one of the Nine Gems in the Court of VikramAditya. Prof. Wilson says in his Works, vol. iii, p. 274 :— ‘The Ayur-veda, which originally consisted of one hundred sections, of a thousand stanzas each, was adapted to the limited faculties and life of man, by its distribution into eight subdivisions, the enumeration of which conveys to us an accurate idea of the subject of the Ars Medendi amongst the Hindus, The eight divisions are as follows :— I. Salya (I-tsing’s (1) cure of sores). The art of extracting extraneous substances, grass, earth, bone, &c., accidentally introduced into the human body, and by analogy, the cure of all phlegmonoid tumours and abscesses. Salya means a dart or arrow. Il, Salakya (I-tsing’s (2) art of acupuncture). The treatment of external organic affections or diseases of the eyes, ears, nose, &c. It is derived from Salaka, “a thin and sharp instrument,” and is borrowed from the generic name of the slender probes and needles used in operation on the parts affected. $ ADDITIONAL NOTES. 223 IIL. Kéya-Aikitsé (I-tsing’s (3) treatment of the diseases of the body). The application of the Ars Medendi (Aikits4) to the body in general (KAya). It forms what we mean by the science of medicine. IV. Bhhta-vidyé (I-tsing’s (4) treatment of demoniac disease). The restoration of the faculties from a disorganised state induced by demoniacal possession. The art vanished before the diffusion of knowledge, but it formed a very important branch of medical practice through all the schools, Greek, Arabic, or European, “V. Kauméfra-bhvitya (I-tsing’s (6) treatment of the diseases of children). The care of infancy, comprehending not only the management of children from their birth, but the treatment of irregular lactic secretion, and puerperal disorders in mothers and nurses. VI. Agada (I-tsing’s (5) Agada medicine). The administration of antidotes—a subject which, as far as it rests upon scientific principles, is blended with our medicine and surgery. VII. Rasiyana, (I-tsing’s (7) application of the means of lengthening one's life). Chemistry, or more correctly alchemy, as the chief end of the chemical combinations it describes, and which are mostly metallurgic, is the discovery . of the universal medicine—the elixir that was to render health permanent, and life perpetual. VIL Vagikargna (I-tsing’s (8) methods of invigorating the legs and body). Promotion of the increase of the human race—an illusory research, which, as well as the preceding, is not without its parallel in ancient and modern times,’ Prof. Wilson further remarks:—‘ We have, therefore, included in these branches all the real and fanciful pursuits of physicians of every time and place. Susruta, however, confines his own work to the classes Salya and Salakya or surgery; although, by an arrangement not uncommon with our own writers, he introduces occasionally the treatment of general diseases and the management of women and children when discussing those topics to which they bear relation.’ (See Wilson’s Works, vol. iii, p. 276.) P. 164,n. 1. Visvamtara-sudina. Prof. H. Kern wrote to me in answer to my inquiry about the name :—‘I have not met with Sudéna as a name or surname of Visvamtara, neither in Sanskrit nor in PAli sources.- Even the word as an appellative, a Bahuvrihi compound, thotgh explainable, is unknown to me. H.K,’ : P. 169, n. 3. As the statement that a Nestorian Missionary was translating a Buddhist Sfitra will probably surprise my readers, I think it best to give a full account of the fact from a Buddhist book. It is indeed curious to find the . 224 ADDITIONAL NOTES, name of MHSSIAH in a Buddhist work, though the name comes:in quite accidentally. The book is called ‘The New Catalogue of the Buddhist Books compiled in the Chéng Yiian Period’ (a.D. 785-804), in the new Japanese edition of the Chinese Buddhist Books (Bodleian Library, Jap. 65 DD, gE ar p. 73; this book is not in Nanjio’s Catalogue). The seventeenth volume (p. 73) gives the story, which runs as follows :— ‘ Pragfia, a Sramaaa of Kapisa in N. India, came to China vid Central India, Simhala (Ceylon), and the Southern Sea (Sumatra, Java, &c.), for he heard that Mafigusri was in China, He arrived at Canton (Kwang-tung). In the third year of the Chien Chung period (A.D. 782) he came to the Upper Province (North). In the second year of the Chéng Yiian period (A.D. 786) he met a relation of his, who came to China before him. ‘He translated, together with King-ching, a priest from Persia named Adam, who was in the monastery of TA-ch‘in (Syria), the Sha¢pAramit4-sftra from a Mongolian text. They finished seven volumes. But at that time Pragfa was not acquainted with the Mongolian language, nor did he understand the language of T'ang (Chinese). King-ching (Adam) did not know the Brahma language (Sanskrit), nor was he versed in the teaching of the Sakya (Buddha). Though they pretended to be translating the text, yet they could not, in reality, obtain a half of its precious (meanings). They were seeking vainglory privately, and wrongly trying their luck. Some people presented a memorial (to the Imperial Court) accusing them of this fact; the will of the accusers was done. The Emperor (Té-tsung), who was intelligent, wise, and accomplished, who revered the Canon of the Sakya (Buddha), examined what they had ¢ranslated, and found that the principles contained in it were obscure and the wording was rough. ‘1 Moreover, the Sahgh4r4ma of the Sakya and the monastery of Ta-ch‘in (Syria) differ much in their customs, and their religious practices are entirely opposed to each other. King-ching (Adam) ought to hand down the teaching of MESSIAH (Mi-shi-ho)’, and the Sakyaputriya-~-Sramavas should propagate the Sfitras of the Buddha. It is to be wished that the boundaries of the doctrines may be made distinct, and the followers may not intermingle. The right must remain away from the wrong, just as the rivers Ching and Wei flow separately.” For Adam and his famous monument, see Dr. Legge’s Christianity in China in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries (Clarendon Press). P. 173, n. 4. I meant to give here Kasyapa’s Devanagari for all these names, and his explanations of their meanings, but I omit them for the present, hoping to get a better MS. of the commentary in time. As to the style of the Devanagari characters, Prof. Biihler thinks*that they are very bad corruptions of a model in 1 Hereafter the sentences seem to be a part of the imperial edict. ? Fat JP) Bid in Chinese. ~ " 4DDITIONAL NOTES. 225 rather ancient Siddha-matr7k4 script, somewhat similar to that of the Horiuzi palm-leaves (see Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, vol. i, pt. 3), but perhaps 100-150 years later (A.D. 700-750; the original palm-leaves date A.D. 609) ; and that the copyist had no notion of what. he wrote. The names of the cases in PAmini are :— 1. Nom, Prathamé (the first). 5. Abl. Apddana, Pa#zami. 2. Acc. Karman, Dvitiya. 6. Gen. ShashéAt (the sixth). 3. Inst. Karama, Tritiya. 7. Loc. Adhikaraza, Saptami. 4. Dat. Sampradana, Xaturtht. 8. Voc. (a nom.) Amantrita. The case-relations in Kaé#ayana’s Grammar (Senart, Kando VI):— 2. Kammam (or by some, Upayoga). 5.