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The fact is that it is practi- cally only in the arrangement in the temple hall and during the meals that a distinction is made between an East party and a West party. On these occasions, those who belong to the general administration and the guest department stand on the West side (the side of honour) and those of the meditation section on the East. According to the rules, the abbot in the morning stands on the East side and in the evening on the West, but this is not always adhered to. He does not come in till all have found their places. The inspector stands in the place of the abbot till he comes. After that the inspector moves round, going wherever he finds anything to correct. The West party is headed by one who is called “‘shou-tso” (7% #8), a title which he has only as long as the service lasts. All important guests of the monks stand on the right side. If a law scholar (fa-shih, ¥%: fii) happens to be present he is, as a rule, made “‘shou-tso,” the leader of the West party, for the duration of the worship. These law scholars are, in general, entirely relieved of all practical occupations. They live in a fine room [269] TRUTH AND TRADITION IN BUDDHISM and can devote themselves to their great and proper work, that of preparing the daily expositions. In connection with the ranks already mentioned there is also another division, which ought to be mentioned briefly. That is the superior group, from which all the higher positions are supposed to be filled. This superior group consists of the six following divisions, which have nothing to do with the actual duties: (1) tso-yiian (PE 3t); (2) shou-tso, (# /) the “highest seat’’; (3) hsi-t‘ang (i§ %), the “ West hall commander’’; (4) hou-t‘ang (4% %), the “back hall commander”; (5) t‘ang-chu (# =£), the “commander of the hall’’; and (6) shu-chi (# #2), secretaries. This grouping conforms to the old rule in China that all officials are supposed to come from the literati with degrees, As a rule, the abbot is chosen for three years. He may, if he so wishes, retire before this term is expired, but as this is not often done it is not considered a good sign either for himself, or for the monastery. There are, on the other hand, some monasteries that prolong the term for a popular abbot, but the rule is only very reluctantly broken. Where the elders in a place are very strong and the monasteries are completely subject to the decisions made in the council of the elders, the election of an abbot must take place openly. The elders agree to nominate suitable candidates, and during a special service of prayer which at times takes the form of drawing of lots, the election is decided through the “special intervention of Buddha.” In many monasteries the practice has now arisen of [270] MONASTIC LIFE having the abbot with the various ex-abbots in reality decide it all beforehand. It even happens that three younger men who are considered suited to be abbots are chosen at the same time to fill the position after three, six, and nine years. By a special ordination service these men are appointed beforehand and thus a “home”? (chia, 4), or “family line,” is formed. These men call each other brother, and by reason of their anticipated ordination they are appointed members of the “k‘u-fang” (general administration). As they belong to it in a special way, they are called “ tang- chia-shih-fu”’ (3 3¢ fii #1) (masters who have the right to decide). This ordination, with something ap- proaching to a right of inheritance, and a legitimate right to decide about the monastery and landed | property, with responsibility towards the whole society, is what is meant by the expression “chéng-fa yen-ts‘ang”’ (iE %& IR #%), which perhaps may best be’ rendered by “‘legal succession.” The monks concerned often wear very high caps while doing their work in the monastery. This is a sign that they, in company with the abbot (the father) and the older generations in the inner apartments (the grandfathers), are the proper stewards of the big home of the brotherhood in that place. This right they retain, even when they go to other monasteries for a longer period of time, to assist in some service. At times they come home, and in due time they succeed to the dignity of abbot. Much more could be written about the intrigues, the agitation, and the deliberations preceding these elections. [271] TRUTH AND TRADITION IN BUDDHISM The religious activity in the monastery now claims _ our attention again. The external forms are many, and they are the product of long evolution. What does it all lead to? Let us first consider the daily worship. It is taken for granted that as many as possible of the various functionaries take part in it, those from the East party as well as from the West party. If there are absences, the inspector will seek them out and the abbot will reprimand them publicly while he “k‘u-fang” (Hi 3), i. e., inspects the monks at the morning or evening meal. The fixed daily services begin very early in the morning, especially in the summer. Even in the winter one can hear the first signal for the morning mass at three o’clock in the morning. The monks then get out of bed and gather, quiet and solemn, in the big temple hall. Each knows his place, either in the East party or the West party. The instructor stands by the altar on the right side. He plays one of the instruments, and leads the chanting in a full, clear voice. A good voice and musical ear are essential for being “‘wei-na”’ (#£ #). Farther to the right stands the drummer and the man who beats the well-known hollow ‘‘ wooden fish” (mu-yii, A #). Farther out in the congregation stands the one of the East party who beats the time by striking a little bell (ch‘ing-tzi, +), In some places, cymbals and other kinds of strange instruments are in use, for the “‘time”’ is very difficult, It is remarkable to hear what they can achieve with these instruments in the chants, which may last for [272] 0,LO,q ‘aIdWay, OA VA MONASTIO LIFE hours. The well-known daily masses are sung without any book of ritual, but during the long extra masses the inspector and the main leaders have the books in front of them. By points and cross-lines and partly also by pictures of the instruments and other symbols, the order and time of the chant are indicated. The service begins with a “prelude,” the time being given by striking the different instruments. A signal is then given on the bell, and the whole congregation bows in silence on the praying stools or praying mats, not merely on their knees, but all the way down, so that the forehead lightly touches the floor. This is done in unison, and when several hundred monks in the same dress are seen doing this the effect is quite striking. = They get up and then bend again, nine times in all. *” This is the holy greeting, three repeated three times — (3 x 3). When bowing, they must remember to let the © right knee touch the floor first, for the right side is the clean one, while the left is unclean. Therefore the cloak, which is the garment used during the mass, is only worn on the left shoulder. The kneeling rug is spread out neatly during the first prostration. _ Meanwhile, the abbot, accompanied by his acolytes, has come in. He also begins with the nine-fold pros- tration. He may be recognized by a red patch on his gown, As soon as he has finished his silent prayer, a signal is given on the bell and the instructor _ introduces the mass by singing, in very low chanting tones, the first words of the sutra used. As a rule, it is the formula of greeting “Nan-mo,” then comes the name of the Buddha or bodhisattva concerned, and [273] TRUTH AND TRADITION IN BUDDHISM finally “fu, p‘u-sa.” After “Nan-mo,” all join in, supported by the beating on the instruments, and a rushing volume of chanting rises to the high temple ceilings. The first sections of praise and the holy vows which are daily renewed offer the greatest variety. Here the alternating instruments and song are most effective. Besides facing the altar, the worshippers turn several times to one side so that the parties of the West and East face each other. Special parts of the mass are sung by the abbot. He genuflects and bends in a rather interesting way. tt is when one comes to the sutra itself that the greatest demands are made upon the monks who take part. In order to get through it all within reasonable time the speed has to be increased enormously. The chant rushes along breathlessly so that everybody feels great relief when the last section is reached, where they can rest in the long tones of praise. This last part of the mass, chanted in kneeling position, is the most touching. The chanting tones have a pronouncedly mournful character. The music and the tunes of Buddhism are known as “pei-t‘iao”’ (#8 #4, tunes of woe). And yet, at times, during the great festivals, a cheerful hymn of praise may arise. To those who hear such masses for the first time the effect may be strange and eerie. But one need not have been present many times at mass in one of the larger monasteries or heard a well-drilled monk choir, before one is struck by the devotion and religious intensity of the singing. This is doubtless true of the most serious and devout of the monks, [274] MONASTIC LIFE while on the other hand many only take part in a mechanical way. More than once I have spoken with monks who have talked with enthusiasm of their longing to get to certain monasteries where the singing is specially cultivated, as for instance, to Chiao Shan (48 11), the remarkable little island in the lower part of the Yangtze, where some of the best singers of Bud- dhism gather.