English
Alone spurring on his horse and placing his spear on his horse’s light ear, by brave onslaughts, he dashed through the onemy’s force to a point where Mahabat Jang stood. With one stroke of his sharp spear, Baji Singh attempted to hurl the latter down from his elephant- saddleand to despatch him to the next world, to be a companion there of his fallen master. Mahabat Jang made him out on seeing his heroism and agility, and ordered Daur Quli Khan, superintendent of the artillery, to quickly oppose him. Daur Quli Khan encountering him shot a bullet through his breast, and Baji Singh being mortally wounded fell on the ground.® Zalim Singh, Baji Singh’s son, aged nine years, with that inherent bravery which is characteris¬ tic of the Rajput race, unsheathed his sword from tho scabbard, and stood up to guard his father. People from all sides surrounded him like a ring. Nawab Mahabat Jang, on seeing the daring of that boy, applauded him, and forbade the people from killing him, 1 Such instances of isolated loyalty and heroism relieve, to some extent, the darkness of the picture of faithlessness and treachery that these events portray. * “ The ravenous hordes thu3 let loose on India made the race-name cf Christian ( Ferengi) a word of terror, until the strong rule of the Mughal Em- pire turned it into one of contempt.”—Sir W. Hunter’s History of British India, Vol. I, p. 184. The name ‘Ferengi’ was, however, more especially applied to the Portuguese settlers in India, whilst the term ‘Nasara’ (or Nazarene) was a generio term for alhChristians. 8 It is an eloquent testimony to the goodness of Sarfaraz Khan, that even in those treacherous times, and in such a trying crisis, he could command the undying devotion and homage of his Brave Rajput officers. This is another incident wl.ich relieves, in some measure, the darkness of the toiotare presented by these scenes, 41 320 and ordered them not to oppose the removal of his father’s corpse'. The artillery-men helped in the removal of Baji Singh’s corpse, and carried along with it Zalim Singh on their shonlders. During the fightings of Ghaus Khan, Mir Sharfu-d-din. Baji Singh and Pancho Ferengi , both the sons-in-law of Sarfaraz Kban, named Ghazanfar Husain and Hasan Muhammad, together with other Mansabddrs and vanquished soldiers, had fled from the battle-field, and had in one day marched back to Murshidabad. And the Rai Raian Alam- ohand, by way of retribution for his treachery, received an arrow- shot on the hand from a cros?-bow, plunged into the river, and half-dead rerched his house. Repenting of his disloyal treachery, he committed suicide 1 by swallowing diamond-filings. In short, when Sarfaraz Khan was felled on his elephant-litter, the ele¬ phant-driver carried his corpse swiftly to Murshidabad. Yasin Khan. Faujdar of Murshidabad, who together with Hafizu-l-lah Khan, son of Sarfaraz Khan, had been left to guard the City, the Citadel and the Nawab’s family, buried at midnight the corpse of Nawab Sarfaraz Khan at Naktakhali. Hafizu-l-lah and Ghazan- far Husain hurriedly threw up entrenchments, and prepared to fight. They, however, received no encouragement from the van¬ quished troops, and therefore abandoned their plan of fighting, and tendered their submission to All Yard! Khan. This Revolution in the Government threw the City, as well as the Army and the people of Bengal, into a general and deep convulsion. Haji Ahmad first 8 entering the city of Murshidabad, proclaimed peace l The Eai Raian Alamchand (the protege and oreature of Sarfaraz Khin’a father Shuja‘u-d-din Khan) was after oil a penitent sinner, and, therefore hiB oharaoter stands out in a lesa hideous light, than that of Hiji Ahmad and Jagat Set, who do not appear to have been similarly disturbed by qualms of conscience for their blaok ingratitude and treachery. a All Vardi Khan himself entered the city of Murshidabad on the third day after his viotory. He was a Machiavellian diplomatist, and therefore, the first step he took on his entry into the oity, was to sne for pardon for bis treaohery from Nafisah Begam, a daughter of Shuja'a-d-din Khan, and sister of Sarfaraz Khan. He nexfc he,d a Darbar in the BatUn P&408 °, Shnia'u-d-din Khan, and though at first he was detested by the people and the officers for his blaok ingratitude and treaohery, he soon managed conciliate them by bestowing on them rich largesses. (I SeeSetru-l-Mutal **•" . Pers. text, p. 494). He appointed in his plaoe as Naib Nazim o (Azimabad) his son-in-law, Zainu-d-din Eian Haibat Jang. (See p. 8eiru-l-Muta£herin). 321 and security on behalf of All Vardi ©an. Yasin ©an Faujdar, under the order of the Haji, set guards on Sarfaraz ©an a trea¬ sury and family, officers and servants-, as well as on his Seraglio, so that none could escape. This battle 1 * * * * * * of Gheria took place in 1153 A.H. -o- NIZAMAT OF NAWAB ALl VARDI ©JAN MAH A- BAT JANG. After obtaining victory, Ali Vardi ©an Mahabat Jang, in order to overlook the sacking of the City and the loot of Sarfaraz ©au’s treasures at the hands of Afghans and Bhaliahs, * for three days encamped outside the City, on the banks of the river Gobrah. On the fourth day, with a sense of perfect security en¬ tering the Citadel, he seated himself with extended thighs on the masnad of the Nizamat of Bengal, and confiscated without any trouble Sarfaraz ©an’s treasures which the past Nazims with considerable self-denial had hoarded. In that Nawab Mahabat Jang avoided the company of strange women, and did not care for this sort of pleasure, during his life he had only one wedded wife, and iu fact, he often plumed himself on this circumstance. Haji A^mad and his sons and relations possessed themselves of Sarfaraz ©an’s fifteen hundred pretty female dependants and slaves. Mahabat Jang banished to Jahangirnagar (Dacca) the wedded Begams of Sarfaraz ©an with their children, 8 and fixed Btnall allowances for them from the inoome of the ©a§ Ta'luqah. 1 Compare the description of this battle with that given in the Beint-U ifu<o44crin, pp. 492-493. The author of the Seir, though a strong partisan of Ali Vardi, and though anxious to gloss over his treachery and ingratitude, is forced to pay a glowing tribute to the bravery and devoted oourago dis¬ played by several officers of Sarfaraz Khiin at this battle. Riyat’a account of this, important battle seems much richer iu details, as well as more graphio and more exact than that of the Seir. This important battle took plaoo about 11 months after Nadir Shah’s return to Persia after the sack of Delhi, and abont 14 months after Shnji'n-d-din Khan’s death. * This fact which redounds to the discredit of Ali Vardi Khan is suppressed by the author of the Seiru-t- Mutakherin, whose father was employed in a high capacity under Ali Vardi’s aon-iu-law, Zainu-d-dln Kh an, at Patna. Theauthor of the Atyos, not being a partisan, does not suppress it. 8 It may be interesting to enquire if any descendants of these still survive in the alleys of Dacca. 322 And Naflsali Begam, Sarfaraz lean’s sister, who had adopted as her child Aqa Baba Kuohak who was her nephew, entered service as a governess in the Seraglio of Nawazish Ahmad Khan, 1 * * the eldest son of Haji Ahmad, and in this way supported her nephew. When news of the fall of Sarfaraz Khan and of the succession of • All Vardl Khan to the Masnad of the Nizamat of Bengal reached Emperor Nasiru-d-din Muhammad Shah, the latter wept and said : “Owing to Nadir Shah, the whole of my Empire is con¬ vulsed and shattered.” 8 But to mend the state of affairs was difficult, and so the Emperor kept quiet. Mahabat Jang, through Murad Khan, 8 who was one of the associates of the Prime Minister, Nawab Qamru-d-dln Khan (about whom mention has been made before), intrigued with the Prime Minister and other Ministers. He remitted to the Emperor forty laks of rupees on account of Sarfaraz Khan’s confiscated treasures and fourteen laks on account of tribnte, over and above the usual fixed revenue. He also gave three laks of rupees to Qamru-d-din 4 * * Khan Vazir, and one lak of rupees to Asaf Jah Nizamu-l-Mulk. He similarly con¬ ciliated and bribed other Imperial Officers according to their ranks. Intriguing with Rajah Jugal Kishor, agent of Sarfaraz Khan, Mahabat Jang obtained in his own name the patent of the Nizamat of all the three Subahs of Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, according to the usual practice. He then exacted double the usual 1 He was then Deputy Nn^im of Jah an giro agar or Dacca. * Emperor Muhammad ghah was not quite fair to Nadir ghah in bis poli¬ tical diagnosis. He ought to have added, the glorious Timuride Empire in India had been shattered and undermined by the luxury and love of ease, and fatrioidal jealousies and strifes of himself and his immediate predecessors, and principally by the venality and corruption, joined to clannish jealousies and personal ambitions that had seized the later Mughal ministers and pro¬ consuls. A moral paralysis had seized the heart of the Empire at Delhi,.an it quickly extended to and affected its distant limbs in outlying Provinces. The Musalmans in India had lost their Islamic virtues firtt, and nest tbe.r Empire ; whilst Nadir Shah’s terril le invasion operated only as an accelerat¬ ing force towards its eventual dissolution. 8 He had been deputed by the Emperor to bring the attached treasures of Sarfaraz Khan, and the revenue of Bengal. See Betr, p. 496. 4 It is humiliating to observe that even ministers of the calibre and position of Qamru-d-din ^an and Nigamu-l-Mulk Asaf Jah were, at this dark period of Indo-Moslem History, not above corruption. 323 amount of revenue, presents and tribute from tbe Zamindars of Bengal.