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4 BuRENG Naung (called "Branginoco" by the Portu- guese), 1551, King of United Pegu and Burma {Hist. Bur., pp. 161, 290). s Prince of Taungu, at the time of the Shan rule in Burma. He is reckoned as a descendant of the ancient royal race. He reigned ten yeaxs as " emperor " at Pegu {Hist. Bur., pp. 93, 291). 40 A BURMESE HISTORIAN OF BUDDHISM. is not mentioned, although he appears in the histories as a patriot and even " the recognised champion of the Burmese people." The Sh4n rule in Burma was broken in his successful campaigns, but his religious foundations were in Pegu, and would therefore be no concern of the Burmese samgha. Very little is said of Anekasetibhinda. It was in Kamaiina that he built cetiyas and viharas, and the Europeans of his time who wrote of the dazzling splendour of his capital and court and the width of his dominion, speak of him as the " King of Pegu," From the faint trace left by this imposing personality in the Sasanavamsa, we may suppose that religion did not suffer . by the disturbed state of the country. Bureng Naung's activity was felt throughout the whole of Burma in his conquests and administration, and it is recorded of him that he even forced Buddhism on the Sh&ns and Muslim in the north of his kingdom. Of Bureng Naung's son, No-na-ra-mah, or Sihasura- B. E. 961. dhammaraja* (1599 A.D.), we only hear that he restored Ava and was building cetiyas and viharas when he met his death on his return from a victorious expedition to Theinni (or Sinni).* Under his eldest 8on3 the Order seems to have flourished ' Nyaung-Kam-Meng (1599 a.d.). Hist. Bur., p. 286. He was a younger son of Anekasetibhinda, and tribu- tary king of Ava. * In the North Shan States, a little to the west of the Upper Salwen river (see Hist. Bur., pp. 127, 128). 3 Mahadhammaraja (1605 a.d.). Hist. Bur., pp. 128, 129, 286. A notable feat of the king is passed over by our history. He successfully attacked Philip de Brito, the Portuguese Governor in Pegu, and avenged the wrongs done to the Order by " the sacrilegious wretch who destroyed Pagodas." This event, however, would touch the Samgha of Burma only indirectly, if at all, and its DISSERTATION. 41 both materially and intellectually, for a great number of works were written in the viharas buiJt by the king's bounty. A few titles of poems and commentaries are given, and mention is made of two bhikkhus from liamaiina, who were favoured by the king for their ability in temporal affairs {lokadfiammachekatdya). As their science lay chiefly in the Vedasatthas, the ancient chroniclers do not reckon them in the Succession of theras ; but the reputation they left, notwithstanding, is one of the signs of an undoubted revival of scholarship at this time, which showed itself, during the following reign, in a keen rivalry between the monks of Pegu and those of Burma. King Ukkamsika,' a famous patron of religion, had established his capital at Hamsavatl,^ but had a jealous regard for the reputation of the Mramma scholars. Hearing that they were underrated in Ramafina, he sent for learned theras from his own country, and caused a disputation to be held, in which, according to our author, the theras of Burma shone by such profound knowledge that even those of Ramafina were forced to testify to the scholarship of the new-comers. Ukkamsika returned to his Burmese subjects in Ratana- pura in 1634.3 In 1647 occurred an attempt upon his b. e 1009. life and throne, the story of which, as told in the Sasana- vamsa, is different from the Rajavamsa version of the same event, and shows the bhikkhus in a rather unusual character ; in fact, as good fighters in case of need. affairs are throughout kept rigidly apart from those of the Sarngha of Pegu. J Thadodhammaeaja (1629 a.d.), brother of Maha- dhammaraja. The date given in the Sasanavamsa is 1634, in which year Ukkamsika left Hamsavati and estab- lished his capital at Ratanapura. {Hist. Bur., pp. 134, 286.) 2 Hist., Bur., p. 134. 3 Ibid., p. 135. 42 A BURMESE HISTORIAN OF BUDDHISM. Pannasami's account of the affair is, briefly, as follows. In the year 1647, the king's younger brother" died. Then the king's son, the Prince of Uccanagara placed himself at the head of a conspiracy to dethrone his father, and forced his way into the palace. The king fled from the city, in disguise, bearing away some of the royal jewels, and accompanied by two of his ministers. They reached the river," revealed the king's identity to a samanera, who was about to cross over, and induced him to give them a place in his boat. The samanera took them to his vihara, where the royal fugitive threw himself on the protection of the superior. He was not only loyally received, and kept in hiding, but all the bhikkhus of the neighbourhood were called together and organised for a stout defence by one of the theras, who seems to have had some military experience when a layman. The vihara was guarded by outposts of bhikkhus armed with staves ; and the king's piursuers at last withdrew baffled and overawed. The attempted revolution failed, and the king, when restored to power, showed his gratitude to his defenders by gifts of viharas (p. 109). It is interesting to set against this story the smnmary of the Kajavainsa account given in Phayre's History of Burma.3 " The conduct of Thadodhammaraja seems to have been irreproachable. Nevertheless, his life was endangered from a conspiracy, the leading features of which have been repeated in recent times. The Heir- Apparent having died, his son was discontented that he was not appointed to succeed to that office. He suddenly assembled a band of armed desperate men and forced his way into the palace. The king fled by the west gate, and 1 The Heir- Apparent (according to Burmese custom) Mengre-Ky oas wa . 2 In this passage the Irawaddy is called the Bajata- vdluka (river of silver sand) instead of Eravati, as else- where in the text. 3 Pp. 135, 136. DISSERTATION. 43 took refuge in a monastery. He then crossed the river and entered a stockade near Sagaing, which was guarded by soldiers. The rebel prince having no influence in the country, a large body of men rallied round their sovereign. The prince came out of the city and was killed fighting. The king then returned to his palace, and all the men of rank who had been forced to join the rebels were, with their wives and children, burnt as traitors." Among Ukkainsika's religious foundations are men- tioned the liajamanicula Cetiya' and three viharas,in one of which a certain learned thera wrote two grammatical works. The tutor to Ukkamsika's son and successor, SlRINANDADHAMMARAJAPAVARADHIPATI^ (1648), at about B. E. 1010. this time, wrote a commentary on the celebrated gram- matical treatise Nydsa. In the Sasauavamsa we so rarely hear of popular move- ments and feelings that it is interesting to find a mention of evil omens occurring in 1650, and causing widespread b. e. 1012. anxiety and terror lest the guardian gods should be leav- ing the capital.3 Though we have here a clear glimpse of N&t- worship, the omens had their bearing on the history of the Faith. It was at this time, says the historian, that the armies of the Emperor of China devastated Mramma,4 and religion was dimmed as the moon by clouds. * The " stupendous temple " known as the Kaung-mhu- doa, on the right bank of the river, five miles from Sagain (Crawfurd's Journal, vol. i. p. 346 ; Phayre, Hist. Bur., p. 135.) Bengtale (1648 a.d.) Hist. Bur., p. 136. 3 Devatd in text — the Pali equivalent for the Burmese Ndt. Bishop Bigandet observes of the Nat-worship of Burma, that it is observed privately or publicly by all, from the king downwards, and, further, that it is formally incul- cated by the monks. (Life or Legend of Gaudama, French edition, pp. 24, 77) ; see also Taw Sein Ko, The Spiritual World of the Burmese.) 4 Burma was troubled from 1651 to 1661 by rumours of 44 A BURMESE HISTORIAN OF BUDDHISM. Nevertheless in the reigns of Mahapavaradhammara- B. E. 1013. JALOKADHiPATi ^ (1651) and his successor Naravara (1672) 2 we hear of the building of viharas and the writing of books, and King Siripavaramahadhamma- B.E. 1034-6. RAJA 3 (1673) evidently took a real interest in religion for he commanded that the Patthdnapakarana^ should be preached (for the first time) in Mramma and also in Ramanna. It was in his reign, we are told, that the custom was first introduced, in Mramma, of decorating the outside boards of MSS.