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The Rdjavamsa naturally brings the king into the foreground ; the Parittaniddna tells the story of the thera's successful attack on the chief heresy of the Samanakuttakas, his exposure of a false miracle, and the burning of a book of false doctrine, while the Sasana- paveni lays stress on Arahanta's place in the succession of theras. 2 See Preliminary Study of the Kalydni Inscriptions, Ind. Ant., vol. xxii. p. 17. Manohari is also called Manuha (Phayre, Hist. Bur., p. 34). 3 The words of the message are given — a home thrust at Anuruddha's former patronage of heretics : " It is not seemly to send the three pitakas and relics to such as you, who hold false doctrine — even as the fat of the r^aned lion can be kept in a bowl of gold and not in a vessel of clay." A proverb turning on this folk-superstition occurs in DISSERTATION. 27 lously prevented from approaching, but when Anuruddha's Brahman soothsayers,' skilled in the Atharvaveda, came to the rescue, the protecting spell was broken by the finding of the mutilated body of a murdered Hindu, buried under the city walla* It was dug up and thrown into the sea and the besiegers entered Sudhammapura. Manohari and all his household were carried away captive, and with his captives Anuruddha brought bock to Pug&ii many elephant-loads of relics and books. All the members of the Saipgha in That6n were transferred to Pug&n, so that there were now a thousand teachers to the well-known Dh€tmmainH of Borma (Section V., V. 62). Sihameda suvannena na ca titthanti rajate Panditanaiu kathavakyam na ca titthati dujjane. The superstition is that the fat of the lion evaporates if placed in a common vessel. (See Jas. Gray's Aift Litera- ture of Burma, p. 51.) ' For the employment of Brahmanical astrologers at the court of Burmese kings see Taw Sein Ko, Tlie Spiritual World of the Burmese {Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists, p. 179). = " The Burmese kings of old used to have human beings buried alive at the four comers of the walls of their capital city at the time of its foundation, in order that the spirits of the deceased might keep watch and ward over the population, and by their occult influence fail the attempts of invaders to force an entrance into the city " (Taw Sein Ko, Spiritual World, &c.. Trans, hit. Con. Or., vol. X. p. 180). Cf. A. Hillebrandt : " Weit verbreitet ist das Glaube dass ein Bau nur wohl befestigt sei wenn ein Mensch oder Tier in seine Fundamente gegraben ist " (Vedische Opfer und Zatiher. Grundriss der Indo-arischen Philologie u. Alterthumskunde. 1. Band, 2 Heft, p. 9). 28 A BURMESE HISTOEIAN OF BUDDHISM. expound the sacred texts. Anuruddha further sent for copies from Ceylon, which Arahanta compared with those of Pegu, to settle the readings. Manohari is said to have been made a pagoda-slave,' but there is some evidence in the Sasanavamsa that he was not ungenerously treated,^ for while at Arimaddana he still possessed at least one of his royal jewels, a splendid gem, the price of which he devoted to the making of two great statues of the Buddha. According to Pafinasami the statues exist to this day. The Sasanavamsa here leaves Anuruddha 3 and passes on to the time of Narapatisisu 4 (1167 a.d.) The celebrated teacher Uttarajiva had come from Sudham- mapura to Arimaddana and, in his turn, had established religion there. His pupil Chapada spent ten years studying in Ceylon, and then returned with four colleagues — Sivali, Tamalinda, Rahula, and Ananda — to ^ Phayre, Hist. Bur., p. 34. = Forchhammer, describing the so-called " Palace of Manuha," in his report of the ruins of Pugdn, observes : " Anuruddha seems to have allowed Manuha the semblance at least of a king" (Beport, Jan., 1891, pp. 7 and 8). Bird, Wanderings, &c., p. 353. 3 Anuruddha's later attempts to get relics (from China and Ceylon) seem to have been less successful than his raid on Sudhammapura. (Phayre, Hist. Bur., p. 35 ; Bastian, Gesch. Tnd. Chin., pp. 33, 38.) 4 Narabadi-tsi-tsi-thu (1167). Six kings, the earlier successors of Anuruddha, are here passed over. Two of them are mentioned in the text further on. (See Phayre, Hist. Bur., pp. 37, 49, 281.) " Vielleicht erst mit Narapadisethu wird wieder geschichtlicher Boden getreten " (Bastian, Gesch. Ind. Chin., p. 35). DISSERTATION. 29 the capital.' There they set up a community apart,' and were specially favoured by King Narapati. After the death of Chapada separate schools came into existence, having their origin in certain differences 3 that arose between the three surviving teachers — Sivali, Tamalinda, and Ananda (p. 66), Bahula having already quitted the Order. The schools were named each after its leader, but are together known as the pacchdgana (or later school) to distinguish them from the earlier school in Arimaddana (purimagana) founded by Arahanta (p. 07). The three teachers died early in the thirteenth century, a time when, it is said, religion shone at its brightest in Pug&n. A short digression is made here to mention the building of the celebrated Nanda (or Ananda) temple by King Chattaguhinda • (p. 68) in the eleventh century, and the history then returns to the time of Narapati,5 The whole story is related in the Kalyani Inscriptions. (See Taw Sein Ko, Preliminary Study, &c. Ind. Ant., vol. xxii. p. 29, et. seq.) * Narapati assigned separate quarters to the different sects then flourishing at Pug4n. (See Forchhanmier's Archaeological Keport, 1891.) 3 They disagreed on the application of Vinaya rules to the following cases : The keeping of a tame elephant, received as a present from the king (instead of setting it at liberty), and the personal recommending of pupils by a teacher ( Vaclvinnatti) . ^ Kyansitthd (1057 a.d.). (Phayre, Hist. Bur., pp. 39, 281.) For descriptions of the still-frequented Ananda temple see Yule, Mission to the Court of Ava, p. 36, and Crawfurd's Journal, p. 114. 5 It is rather curious that only one passing mention occurs in the text, of Alon-can-nu (Alaungsithu, 1058 A.D.), the grandson of Kyansittha, a notable king and a zealous Buddhist. He built the great Shwe-ku temple at 80 A BUBMESE HISTORIAN OF BUDDHISM. (p. 69), a king whose personality stands out with some distinctness in a story of the thera Silabuddhi. We see in this latter one of the best types of the Buddhist monk unspoilt by kingly favour as untouched by spiritual pride He opposes the sovereign's wish to build a cetiya on the Khanitthip^da hill, warning him that there is no merit in forcing on his people the heavy labour of levelling the ground. He refuses to eat of the king's bread, and would leave for Slhala but is prevented, by a stratagem of a resourceful minister, and brought back to the king. Narapati, warned by the haunting of a terrifying Yaksha, that he has erred, receives the holy man with great honour, and hands over to him his five sons. Sllabuddhi's characteristic response is to trace out five sites where his royal bondsmen shall build five cetiyas, and with that act •he restores them their freedom. Other anecdotes follow to illustrate the splendour of religion in Arimaddana and its continuance through Saints and Arhats.' The author adds that he could relate many more, but that he fears to overload his history (p. 72). Pug^n, improved the administration of law in his king- dom, interfered successfully in the affairs of Arakan, and caused the Buddhist temple at Gaya to be repaired, where an inscription testifies to his piety (see Phayre, Hist. Bur., p. 39). Some explanation of this silence may, perhaps, be found in a fact noted by Bastian (Gesch. Ind. Chin., p. 38), namely, that the personalities of Anoarahta and Alaungsithu have become mingled in Burmese tradition (to the profit of the greater hero's reputation). I The difficulty of recognising the arhat in this world is briefly discussed here. Examples of abstract questions in the Sasanavamsa are so rare that I mention this instance. An anecdote relating to arhatship is told of Mahakassapa, whose attainment to that state was not recognised by his saddhivihdrika, the pupil who was his daily attendant. DISSERTATION. 81 On the anecdotes follows an account of the religious LITERATURE of Tambadlpa, the beginning of which is traced back to the reign of San-lan-kron raja* con- temporary of Mahanama of Sihala.